THE TABLET

A Weekly Newspaper and Review.

D u m v o b i s g r a t u l a m u r , a n im o s e t i a m a d d im u s u t i n in c c e p t i s v e s t r i s c o n s t a n t e r m a n e a t i s .

From the Brie] oj His Holiness to The Tablet, June 4, 1870.

V o l . 40. N o . 1706. L ondon, D e cem b er 21, 1872.

P r ice 5 L B y P ost 5%

[R egistered a t th e General P ost O ffice a s a N ew spaper.

C hronicle of th e W e e k : Mr.

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Lowe on Parties and on Land.— President Grant’s Message.—Dr. Goulburn and the Select Preachership.— The Committee of Thirty.— 'The Debate on Dissolution.—M. Dufaure’s Speech.—The Division. 'The English Press on tbe Agitation.— M. Thiers before the Committee.— Its Latest Deliberations. Fate of the Left Centre.—The Indemnity and Evacuation.— Prince Bismarck and the Prussian Cabinet. His Difficulties and Probable Policy.— Mgr. Namzanowski’s Case. Suppression of the Gesii.— Latest Version of “ The Free Church.”— Electoral Reform and Anti-Jesuit Movement in Austria, &c., &c. . 769

CONTENTS.

L e a d e r s :

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Catholic Pauper Children . . 773 The Dollingerists on the German

B i s h o p s .................................... 773 Dr. Playfair and Irish Universities 775 O ur Protestant C ontemporaries:

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Fifth.—The Heart of Myrrha Lake. Diversions of the Echo Club.— Report on Cheap Wines.—The Little Drummer.—As Pretty as Seven.— Famous Fairy Tales.— Sagas from the Far East.—Parlour Plays . 780 Correspondence :

Consevative Piety— Mr. N ewdegate again—A State Theologian—The “ Fortnightly Review”— Protestant Missions — Reading Trash — The State of Rome .... 776 R eview s :

The Spirit of S. Francis de Sales . 777 Middlemarch .... 779 S hort N otices : Only Three Weeks.

Fleurange. — The Imitation of Christ.— Maxims of the Kingdom of Heaven.—Life of Sixtus the

The Church and the Agricultural

Labourers . . . . 780 The Priesthood in Irish Politics . 782 Guilty of a Metaphor . . . 782 “ Branches” a n d S e c t s ” . . 783 Christmas and the Holy Father . 783 The Borough of Athlone . . 783 De Virga Versibvsqve . . 783 United Kingdom Alliance . . 783 R o m e ....................................................785 D io cesan N ews : Westminster...................................... 786

D iocesan N ews continued) :

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Southwark ..... 787 Birmingham.......................................788 Hexham and Newcastle . . 788 Northampton .... 788 Nottingham .......................................788 Salford 789 Shrewsbury ..... 790 I reland:

Letter from our Dublin Corre­

spondent ..... 790 F oreign N ews :

France Russia . . , M emoranda :

Educational .

General N ews

790 791

791 792

CHRONICLE OF THE WEEK.

ON LAND. A

MR. LOWE ON PARTIES AND

MEETING of the North Wilts Liberal Registration Society, held at Swindon on Saturday, afforded Mr. Lowe an opportunity of replying to Lord Salisbury’s speech at Bournemouth. But first, though he declined making an eulogistic review of particular measures which he had a share in preparing, he touched lightly upon the spirit of recent legislation for Ireland. For 700 years, he said, we have been trying to govern that country, and have never yet found out how to do it. "We tried two ways successively. First, proscription, which “ raised, and deserved to raise, a “ spirit of resistance to the laws.” Then the removal of proscription, but the maintenance of a number of exclusive and invidious institutions. That did not satisfy them either, and in my opinion it ought not to satisfy them. We have now, said he, after the fulness of our 700 years’ experience tried our third plan, not only placing the Catholic on a level with the Protestant in all matters of civil rights, but removing all those badges of ancient servitude and domination which were for ever flaunted in the eyes of the nation, so that we may be able to say, not that we have succeeded— that is not for us to determine— but that we have done all we could, and that we deserved to succeed. When the educational question has been settled we shall see how far this claim can be justified; but on this subject Mr. Lowe said nothing, and went on to speak of the policy and prospects of the two great parties in the State. He pulled to pieces Mr. Disraeli’s definition of Conservative principles as “ national,” and Liberal principles as “ cosmopolitan” ; observing that the words had a great many different significations, one or other of which could be applied “ as might be convenient “ under the circumstances,” and suggesting, as a preferable account of the matter, that a Tory “ sticks “ to what is,” and a Liberal “ sticks t o what ought “ to be.” Of the two catch definitions Mr. Lowe’s is the more likely to survive as the more telling and idiomatic one, but it is not therefore more scientifically accurate. All this is, at the best, little better than a bandying of nicknames between those who are in and those who are out, and it would have been far more satisfactory if each side had told us a little more about its own policy and a little less about that of its opponents. But it is'easier to pull to pieces than to construct and far less compromising. One thing however about the ministerial policy Mr. Lowe did tell us, and that is worth attention. There is no truth whatever, he said, in the charge that the “ Government, “ in order to pay the Radical tribute, has now determined

N ew S e r ie s . Y o l , VIII. N o . 215.

“ to split up landed property into the smallest possible pro“ portions.” Such an “ idea never entered into the head “ of the Government for one moment, and nothing “ can be further from their ideas or instructions.” He admits, indeed, that Ministers have for two years past committed themselves to the repeal of primogeniture in cases of intestacy— a measure in our opinion of very questionable policy— but he thinks that, so far from splitting the land up, the great objection to the measure would be that it would promote the sale of small properties, and their aggregation into large holdings. The remark that, if any control was to be exercised by one House of Parliament over the other, it must be vested in the Commons as being “ the upper servant,” inasmuch as it “ takes its orders directly “ from the people,” was evidently intended as a repartee rather than as a serious argument; and so we may leave it, merely observing that M. Thiers’s difficulties, which the Liberal press considers so intolerable, ivould be singularly increased by this theory being pushed to its consequences.

President Grant’s message to the expiring president Congress calls for little comment. I f he has message, anything of special interest to say, he evidently intends to reserve it for the new Congress which will meet at the commencement of his fresh term of office. But he has nothing more to hope for from the country, as anAmerican President cannot be re-elected twice, and having taken his first innings somewhat easily, he is not likely to trouble himself to make the second innings more eventful. We regret this, principally because a good deal remains to be done in the interest of humanity if not of justice. The South is in a deplorable condition, ruined by carpet-baggers, burdened with dishonestly imposed debt, and despotically ruled by a population which has not yet learned how to use its newly acquired freedom. Yet the only allusion which the President makes to it in his message is a threat against organizations— illegal ones no doubt— which have been called into existence by this intolerable state of things. Surely something more conciliatory might have been said, some more hopeful prospect held out to a people which is now trodden down to a degree which ought to satisfy any animosity however keen, however disposed to be unrelenting. The salient features of the message are a satisfied review of the arbitration proceedings, with congratulations that no shadow remains upon the friendly relations of the two Powers ; a suggestion— which is a very good one— that the boundary between Alaska and British North America should be defined by a joint commission before emigration over the line can raise a dispute about it, and lastly, the usual financial statement. By this it appears that the army and navy have been reduced to such an extent that there are now only 24,101 white, and 2,494