A Weekly Newspaper and Review.

DUM VOBIS GRATULAMUR, ANIMOS ETIAM ADDIMUS UT IN INCŒPTIS VESTRIS CONSTANTER MANEATIS.

From the B r ie f o f H is Holiness P iu s IX . to T h e T a b l e t , June 4, 1870.

V ol. 81. No. 2764. L ondon, A pril 29, 1893.

P r ic e sd ., b y P o s t s ^ d .

[R e g i s t e r e d a t t h e G e n e r a l P o s t O f f i c e a s a N ew s p a p e r .

C h r o n ic l e o f t h e W e e k :

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■ Imperial Parliam ent: The Home Rule B i ll— The Budget — Tuesday’s Debate — Employers’ L iability Bill — Irish -Unionists in London— The Hull Dock Strike— The Lord Mayor and the Irish Unionists— Separation in Norway — Continued Fighting in Africa— The Earl of D e rb y . . . . . . 637 L e a d e r s

The Referendum in Belgium . . 641 Trieste and the Silver Wedding.. 642 Historical Manuscripts a t Canter­

bury . . _ . . . . ^ . . . . 643 The Benedictine Order in Rome . . 644 Aspects of Anglicanism . . . . 645 N o t e s ..................................................... 647

CONTENTS.

R e v ie w s :

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St. Gregory the Great . . . . 648 Problems of Poverty . . . . 649 The Spirit o f L o v e . . . . _ . . 650 Hebrew Idolatry and Superstition 650 Bell’s Standard Elocutionist . . 650 The Great Enigm a .. . . . . 650 The Conversion of American Indians 651 C o r r e s p o n d e n c e :

Rome :— (From Our Own Corre­

spondent) . . . . . . . . 653 Dublin :— (From Our Own Corre­

spondent) . . . . . . . . 655 L e t t e r s t o t h e E d it o r :

The Centenary o f St. Edmund’s

College . . _ . . . . . . 656 The Title “ Cardinal Archbishop ” 636

L e t t e r s t o t h e E d it o r (Con­

tinued) : On Christian A rt . . . . . . 656 The Vestry Elections . . . . 657 Free Catholic Thought . . . . 657 Stoke-Courcy . . . . 657 Dante and his Interpreters .. 657 The Traditional Site of the Holy

Sepulchere . . . . . . 658 A Testimonial . . . . .. 658 “ A Blue Poster ” . . . . . . 658 Cardinal Vaughan in Manchester . . 659 Catholics and the “ Habeas Corpus” 660 The ‘ ’ Monita Secreta ” and the

Jesuits . . . . . . . . 662 The Albert Hall Meeting . . . . 662 The Origin o f American Free

Schools . . . . . . . . 663

The Bishop o f Derry at the Albert

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H a l l .................................................. 663 O b it u a r y ....................................... 663 So c ia l a n d P o l i t i c a l . . . . 664

SU P P L EM E N T . N ew s from t h e S chools :

Religious Instruction in Board

Schools . . . . . . 669 Unitarianism in Board Schools . . 670 Needless Fears .. . . . . 671 Barnet Schools’ Jubilee . . . . 671 Tooting College . . . . . . 671 About E d u c a t i o n ............................671 N ew s from t h e D io ceses :

Southwark . . . . . . . . 672 Birmingham . . . . . . . 672 Portsmouth . . . . . . . . 673 The Glories o f an Old Cathedral . . 673

Rejected M S . cannot be returned unless accompanied with address and postage.

CHRONICLE OF I H E WEEK.

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WIT H the end of last week came the end of the Second Reading of the Home Rule Bill. Sir H. James, in resuming the

Debate, delivered a great constitutional oration against the S i l l. He adopted (according to The S tandard) a style of oratory which differed from that of every other important speech he has made in the House, and it differed essentially also, in manner, from every speech which has been delivered during the last twelve days. The whole two hours’ -oration was delivered with a studied solemnity and impressiveness that made him sometimes almost inaudible, and at times compelled the House to be profoundly silent. Sometimes, for a few brief sentences, he broke into excited animation; but the whole outward form and style of the speech was that of a man warning the House away from the committal of a great wrong. The speech was not that of a lawyer, but of a Parliamentary orator. It presented several quite new views of the Bill, and enforced some of the older views with quite new force. One of the points which he ■ put with great force, to illustrate the fact that we were ■ surrendering our independence, was that any purely English •or Scotch Bill could be made an Imperial question by an Irish member moving that it should be extended to Ireland ; and another point was that, at the end of every six years, a new Lord Lieutenant might go to Ireland with an entirely new delegation of powers to suit party exigencies. A third point, which he pressed with much elaboration, was that the Government had admitted that the laws and will of England must be enforced by the military power. Hitherto, he said, the military had acted in conjunction with the Executive, but, if this Bill passed, the military might have to be called out against the Executive. At the close he cited an aphorism from Burke, as he had previously quoted, with equal effect, a saying from John Bright. But Burke’s pregnant principle suggested to him the question if the Government were doing nothing to provoke rebellion. Then he touched on the provocation which Mr. Gladstone ■ had given the loyal men of Ulster, who had committed no crime, and on the gibes of other Home Rulers, who had taunted them with cowardice. And in one little burst of

N e w S e r i e s , V ot.. X L I X . , N o , 2 ,0 73 .

impassioned elocution, the only one in the whole speech, he brought his argument to a close. A t twenty minutes past ten Mr. Balfour arose amid resounding Unionist cheers. He was in splendid voice and in the most masterly possession of all his facts. Though he had his notes before him he seldom referred to them. Not to prolong the Debate, his arguments were presented to the House in a highly condensed form. There never had been so gigantic a change, he said, proposed to the House with so small an array of arguments in its favour, and, in reviewing these arguments, he denied that Coercion or the Union had failed, or that England was the villain of the piece, and was responsible for the woes of Ireland from which this Bill was some sort of set off. Arguing directly against the measure, he asserted that it would establish two Committees of Supply, two Appropriation Bills, and two Chancellors of the Exchequer, while England would not be able to touch either the Customs or Excise of Ireland. It destroyed the supremacy of Parliament ; the In-and-out Clause would shatter the Cabinet system, and there was no finality in the Bill, as was contended by the Irish members themselves. He dwelt on the contradictory views as to the justness of the financial arrangements, on the treatment of the Civil Service, and the feeling of Ulster, and vindicated, in a remarkable passage, his own language in Belfast. In conclusion, he depicted the injury which the Bill would inflict upon all classes in Ireland, and made a stirring appeal, not for the minority merely, but for the majority, of the people. His speech lasted for an hour and a half. Mr. Gladstone, who rose close upon midnight, had to wait for some minutes until the vociferous cheers of his supporters ceased. The main features of his speech were that coercion had failed, and that the Bill had been accepted in terms unequivocal and satisfactory by members from Ireland who were both representative and typical. Their declarations had even gone beyond the demands of the Government. In a closing passage he spoke of the remarkable and triumphant assent which had been given by the Liberal Party to the principle of Home Rule since 1886, and he expressed his conviction that that Party would soon give it a place in history as “ not the least durable, the least fruitful, or the least blessed among its accomplished acts.” The speech excited the greatest enthusiasm among the Irish members, and amid the noise of the cheers which accompanied its termination, Mr. Morley rose and was seen to move the Closure. When the Speaker put the Closure one or two voices called out “ No,” but the objections were not persisted in. It was accordingly agreed to, and Sir M. Hicks Beach’s Amend