THE TABLET A Weekly Newspaper and Review.

DUM VOBIS GRATULAMUR, ANIMOS ETIAM ADDIMUS UT IN INCCEPTIS VESTRIS CONSTANTER MANEATIS.

From the B r i e f o f H is Holiness P iu s IX . to T he T a b l e t , Ju n e 4, 1870.

V o l . 81. No. 2755. L o n d o n , F e b r u a r y 25, 1893.

p r1ce 5d.. by post sk * .

[ R e g i s t e r e d a t t h e G e n e r a l P o st O f f i c e a s a N ew s p a p e r .

C h ro n ic l e o f t h e W e e k :

Page

Imperial Parliament : Mr. Chamberlain on Home Rule—Monday’s Sitting : The Lords—In the House o f Commons—Tuesday’s Sitting— A Panama Incident — Imperial Penny Postage — The Corinth Canal—An Orange Manifesto— Death of General Beauregard— Suicide of Mr. Hylton Barker— Behring Sea Again—By-Elections — The French Senate — The Trouble of the Government in Germany—Municipal Representatives at the Guildhall . . . . 277 L e a d e r s :

Industrial Assurance for Acci­

dents . . . . . . . . 281 Parliamentarism and Peculation.. 282 The Powers of the New Irish Legisl a t u r e ...................................................283 The Papal Jubilee . . . . . . 284

CONTENTS.

N o t e s ....................... R e v ie w s :

Page . . 286

Studies in Corsica . . . . . . 287 Blood R o y a l . . . . . . . . 288 O r i e l ................................................. 289 “ An Idle Woman” . . . . 289 The Last Signal . . . . . . 289 Religious Vocation.. . . . . 289 Pilotheus and Eugenia . . . . 290 The House of Sweet Memories . . 290 Westminster Homes for Destitute

Children . . . . . . . . 290 Supply of Elementary Teachers . . 291 C o rr e s po n d en c e :

Rome :—(From Our Own Corre­

spondent) . . . . . . -• 293 Dublin :—(From Our Own Corre­

spondent) ....................... -- 294

L e t t e r s to t h e E d it o r :

Page

The Afro-Malagasy Slave Traffic 295 Professor Mivart on the Late Dr.

Ward An In q u i ry ........................ On Christian Art Free Catholic Thought The Necessity of General Coun

296 296 296 297 297 298

cils to Define The Home Rule Bill The Dominican Nuns at Perugia 298 The Bishop of Limerick’s Pastoral 298 1 A Notable Catholic Irishman . . 298 i Persecution of Catholic Females 298 A Warning . . . . . . . . 298 The Papal Jubilee in Vienna . . 301 Fort Augustus.. . . . . . . 302 The Irish Protestant Church and the Cross . . . . . . . . 303 The St. Vincent de Paul Society . . 303 The Convent Will Caee . . . . 304 Ob it u a r y ......................................... 304 S o c ia l a n d P o l it ic a l . . . . 304

SUPPLEM ENT. The Lenten I n d u l t ...........................309 N ew s from t h e S chools :

Page

Liverpool Training College . . 309 Wandsworth Training College . . 309 The New Circular and the Educa­

tion Department.. . . . . 3 1 0 Ratcliffe College, Leicester . . 310 St. Augustine’s, Ramsgate . . 3 1 1 Tooting College . . . . . . 3 1 1 Religious Instruction and the

London School Board .. The Instruction of Infants About Education .. N evvs from t h e D io c e se s

Birmingham . Clifton Leeds Liverpool

Nottingham . Plymouth Portsmouth . Glasgow Aberdeen

3” 311 312

3T3 3X3 314 3*4 299 299 299 300 300

Rejected M S . cannot be retu rn ed unless accompanied w ith address j an d postage.

CHRONICLE OF THE WEEK.

IM PERIAL PARLIAM ENT — MR. CHAMBERLAIN

ON HOME RULE. A1 the end of last week, continuing the discussion on Home Rule Mr. Chamberlain spoke for an hour and a half, taking as the basis of his examination of the merits of the Bill the three conditions which Mr. Gladstone had laid down, and which were accepted unanimously by his supporters—that it was indispensable in granting Home Rule to Ireland that it should be consistent with the unity of the Empire, the supremacy of Parliament, and the protection of minorities. In discussing whether the Bill preserved the Imperial unity, he argued that the Government were encouraging the spirit of Irish nationality, but deprived the Irish people of all the cherished privileges of an independent nation, denying them the right to interfere in foreign policy, to deal with their own Church and education, and to control their own trade and commerce. By this means the Government were sowing the seeds of future discontent and of further claims, and in a time of great national emergency it would be absurd to suppose Ireland would not take advantage of her opportunity, and make demands which this measure rendered it impossible to refuse. Where was Imperial unity then ? The collection of the taxation was in the hands of the Irish Administration; all the Executive of the country, the control of the police, and the officials were in its hands; and if the people armed and drilled, this country could not prevent them. In this question of Imperial unity, what was at stake was not merely the loss of fortune ; it was the loss of honour, and it might be of national existence. In reference to the second point, the supremacy of Parliament, he said that the Bill gave up entirely any supremacy over persons ; so much so that a plan of campaign might be carried out, Boards of Guardians might impose taxes for the purpose of assisting evicted tenants, convents might be endowed under the guise of paying nuns for attending at dispensaries, and the Roman Catholic Church might be indirectly endowed by '.heir priests being appointed schoolmasters at high salaries,

New Series, Voi.. XLIX., No, 2,064.

without the Imperial Parliament being able to interfere. The veto was a weapon which would break in our hands the very first time we used i t ; if the power of concurrent legislation were attempted to undo Irish legislation, a hostile Irish Parliament would not enforce it. There would be differences of opinion also as to what was capricious and vexatious interference in matters of agrarian and criminal legislation, and there would be a long good-bye to what the Bill was designed to give—the relief of Parliament. He adhered to his opinion, expressed in 1886, that the retention of the Irish members was essential to the unity of the Empire and the supremacy of Parliament, and accordingly that principle of the Bill he would support. I f the Irish members were excluded, the only alternatives were Parliaments for England, Scotland, and Wales, and a fifth Imperial Parliament for the United Kingdom. That was a large order, but he would not say that it was not a way out of the difficulty. In practice, however, the presence of the Irish members would lead to continuous corruption, not in money but in kind, in return for their support in English affairs. Under the third head, the protection of minorities, he ridiculed the veto and the Second Chamber. The latter was perfectly childish, and he would vote against i t ; and, speaking of Protestant Ulster, he remarked that he had never said that Ulster would fight, but if it did fight it would take more than the power of the most Liberal Government to coerce it into submission. A brief but effective peroration, in which he spoke of the irrevocableness of the policy, brought his speech to a close, When this most noble speech was concluded, other points were raised by other speakers, and Mr. Morley replied. He answered a query frequently put by stating that the land question would remain the same during the three years as now, subject to its being dealt with if any emergency arose. He declared that by Imperial unity Mr. Chamberlain meant centralization; by the supremacy of Parliament he meant the delegation of self-government; and by the protection of minorities he meant the prolonged ascendancy of Ulster backed by the English Parliament. He maintained that, by the exclusion of Ireland from self-government, England was dishonoured and Ireland misgoverned. The Bill was subsequently introduced by Mr. Gladstone, and read a first time, the whole of the Gladstonian and Irish members rising to their feet and cheering and waving their hats for a considerable time. The House then adjourned.