THE TABLET
A W eekly Newspaper and Review
D u m V O B IS G R A T U L AM U R , A N IM O S E T IA M ADDIM U S U T IN IN CCEPTIS V E S T R IS CON S TAN TER M AN E A T IS .
From the B r ie f o f His Holiness Pius IX . to The Tablet, June 4, 1870.
Voi. 52. No. 1999. London, A u g u s t 3, 1878.
P r ice 5d. B y P o s t s #«*'
[R eg is tered a t t h e G e n e r a l P o st O f f ic e a s a N ew spaper.
CONTENTS,
Page
Page
C hronicle o f t h e W e e k :—
Lord Beaconsfield at the Banquet. — Lord Salisbury’s Speech.— The Lords on the Eastern Policy.— The Debate in the Commons— Monday. — Adjourned Debate— Tuesday.— Lord Beaconsfield and Mr. Gladstone. — Death of Cardinal Franchi. — The Governor * Generalship o f Canada. — The
Duke o f Connaught. — The Bishoprics Bill. — The German Elections.— The “ Old Catholic ” Movement.—The Occupation of Bosnia.. ....................................
L e a d e r s :
The Question of a Dissolution .. 133 The Catholic Poor School Com
mittee and our Correspondents 133 The Russians North and South of'
the Balkans . . . . . . 134 On Certain Inconsistencies of
Ritualists.— I I , .................... 135 R e v iew s :
The Franciscan Martyrs in Eng
land .. .. . . _ . . . . 136 The Contemporary Review . . 137
The Church and the Gentile World .......................................137 Proteus and Amadeus . . . . 138 129 Education in Church Music.— I I I . . 138
C o r r e spondence :
Page
Education at Stonyhurst .. . . 140 An Appeal .. . . . . . . 140 The Night Home for Girls . . 141 Catholic Poor School Committee and Diocesan Inspectors’Salaries 141 The Bedford Mission . . . . 141 Dr. Nicholas Harpsfield . . . . 1 4 1 Indulgence of Portiuncula . . 141 Church Music . . .. . . 142 Claims o f the Uninstructed Deaf-
Mute to be Admitted to the Sacraments . . . . •• 142 “ The Eucharist on Cavalry / . . 142 Catholic Liberal Eduation . . 142 The “ Helpers of the Holy Souls ” 142 Indian M i s s i o n s .........................142 Lourdes . . . . . . . . 142
C orrespondence (continued) :
St. Etheldreda’s. — Suspension of
Page the Works .. . . .. .. 142 P a r l ia m en t a r y Summary . . 143 R ome :— Letter from our own
Correspondent......................... 145 D io ce san N ews :—
Westminster.................................... 146 Southwark .. . . . . , r 146 Beverley . . . . . . . . 147 Salford .................................... 147 I r elan d
Letter from our own Corre
spondent ......................... « 148 F oreign N ews
Germany . . . . . . . . 149 M em oranda :—
Educational....................................150 Gen e r a l N ew s ............................ 152
CHRONICLE OF THE WEEK.
AT THE BANQUET. T
LORD BEACONSFIELD
kHE banquet given to Lords Beacons
field and Salisbury by the Conservative party on Saturday was a most decided success. Never, according to the testimony of those who were present, was greater enthusiasm manifested, and the many personal friends and admirers of the distinguished guests were fully rewarded by the two brilliant speeches in which their welcome was acknowledged. The Prime Minister, whose health was proposed by the chairman, the Duke of Buccleuch, began by referring, in a very modest tone, to the indulgent confidence reposed in him by that great party which it had been his lot to lead in either House for a longer period than any other public man in the history of the country. That he owed this result to the generous indulgence of the party rather than to his own personal qualities no man could be more sensible than himself, for that he might have committed many mistakes was a truth too obvious to touch upon. Lord Beaconsfield then said that he had attended the Congress with great reluctance, .and only on the earnest solicitations of Lord Salisbury, who had, he said, plied “ the labouring oar ” in that great work, and to whom, even more than to himself, the country was indebted for the satisfactory result. After this preface Lord Beaconsfield plunged into politics, observing that, as he •could no longer raise his voice in the House of Commons, and as he now sat in a House where his opponents “ never ■ unsheath their swords,” he might be permitted to touch on one or two points which would soon engage the attention of Parliament. Lord Hartington’s Resolutions at first sight, he said, appeared to be only “ a series of congratulatory regrets,” but there were two points on which it seemed, on examination, that the Opposition hoped to make a successful onset. The first was Greece. So far from misleading Greece, the English Government had given her the best advice— not to mingle in the fray— and this advice she had fortunately followed. The advancement of the Greek race in those countries was the only way of resisting a “ Slavic monopoly,” and it was expedient that the rights of the Greek race should be advocated by that portion of it which enjoyed an independent political existence. It was for this reason that England advised an understanding between Greece and the Porte for the rectification of the Hellenic frontier, and the proposition made by M. AVaddington was originally the suggestion of Lord Salisbury. That the Greeks and Turks should act together harmoniously was most important with a view to counterbalancing Slav in-
New Series, Vol. XX , No. .508,
fluence, and Greece, by taking England’s advice, and not imitating the rebellious principalities, had placed herself in the best position for arriving at such an understanding. And here Lord Beaconsfield touched on the personal character of the Sultan, who entertains these proposals of England with favour. Never had a prince been subjected to such trials, yet through all of them “ he has never swerved in the expression— and I believe the feeling— of a desire to treat with Greece in a spirit of friendship.” He is a man, said the Prime Minister, “ whose every impulse is good;” he may have to encounter difficulties and evil influences, but his impulses are good, and “ where impulses are good there is always hope.” “ He is not a tyrant, he is not dissolute, he is not a bigot, or corrupt.” And when pressed by Lord Salisbury about the Greek frontier he replied that he was willing to do what he could, as an act of grace, and to express his sense of the friendliness of Greece in not attacking him during his troubles, but that he wished, as a Congress was about to meet, to hear what the Congress would say about it. The Congress has spoken, and Lord Beaconsfield has every hope that the Sultan will comply with its recommendations. Those, therefore, who would represent Greece as betrayed, and egg her on to violent courses, are doing incalculable mischief. The other point which Lord Beaconsfield took up was of course the Anglo-Turkish Convention. He maintained that instead of increasing our responsibilities it diminished them. For, if there had been no such defensive alliance, it was probable that in ten or fifteen years, the power and resources of Russia having revived, some quarrel would again have occurred, and Russian armies would have been again assailing Turkey both in Europe and Asia, and enveloping Constantinople. Under those circumstances any English Government, whatever party might be in power, would— probably after some hesitation— interfere to prevent the conquest of Asia Minor, and by our present declaration that we intend to do so, we diminish the chances of our being obliged to do so. And here Lord Beaconsfield made a very important statement. He declared that he learnt at the Congress of Berlin that what he always suspected to be the truth was “ an absolute fact,” “ that neither the Crimean war nor this horrible devastatiug war which has just terminated would have taken place if England had spoken with the necessary firmness.” “ Russia,” he said, “ had complaints to make against this country that neither in the case of the Crimean war nor on this occasion— and I do not shrink from my share of the responsibility in this matter— was the voice of England so clear and decided as to exercise a due share in the guidance of European opinion.” If Prince Gortchakoff— and he must have been Lord Beaconsfield’s informant— could say this,