THE TABLET
A Weekly Newspaper and Review
D u m v o b i s g r a t u l a m u r , a n i m o s e t i a m a d d i m u s u t i n i n c c e p t i s v e s t r i s c o n s t a n t e r m a n e a t i s .
From the Brief of His Holiness to T he T a b l e t , yunt 4, 1870.
Vol. 50. No. 1968. L o n d o n , D e c e m b e r 29, 1877.
p r i c e 5d. b y p o s t
(R e g is tered a t t h e G en er a l P ost O f f ic e a s a N ew spaper
Pacje
■ Ch ro n ic le o f t h e W e e k :—
The Summons to Parliament and the Policy of the Government.— Egypt and Crete.—'-The War in Europe.— Duelling.— The Tsar at St. Petersburg — Deposition of Prince Milan. — Marshal MacMahon and Prince Bismarck.— French Diplomacy. — Discipline and Politics in the French army. — The next Conclave and the London Press.—The Vatican and the Quirinal.— The Home Rule 'Conference and the Meeting of Parliament.— Russian Treatment o f the Sick and Wounded.— Indian Famine Expenditure. — Anti-Russian Feeling among the •Hungarian S l a v s .........................801
C O N T
L f.adf.rs :
Page
Foreign Opinion on English Policy 805 A Campaign Against Conscience 105 The Armed Strength o f France . . 806 The “ Right of Veto” . . . . 807 Ireland in 1877 . . .. . . 808 A r t ;
The Grosvenor Gallery . . . . 809 R e v iew s :
A History of Roman Literature.. 811 De Ecclesia et Cathedra .. . . 812 Father Jouin’s Evidences o f Re
ligion . . . . . . - .8 13 The Contemporary Review . . 813 S hort N otices :
Catholic Directory for Scotland . . 814
E N T S .
Short N otices (continued) :
The Annual Snmmary and The
Page
Year Book of Facts . . . . 814 C o rrespondence :
The Problem of Catholic Liberal
Education.. . . <. .. 814 “ Save the B o y ” . . . . •• 815 Christmas Joys and Sorrows .. 815 Prior P a r k ......................... . . 8 1 5 Bismarck and the Catholics of
E n g l a n d .......................................815 R ome :— Letter from our own Cor
respondent . . . . . . 8 1 7 D io c e sa n N ews :—
Westminster.. ........................... 819
Page
D io cesan N ew s (continued),
Southwark . . .........................8x9 Birmingham.. . . ». . . 819 Liverpool . . .. . . . . 819 Salford . . .. . . . .8 1 9 Scotland— Western District . . 819 I r e lan d : . .
Letter from our own Corre
spondent . . . . .. 820
Foreign N ews
Germany . . .. . . . . 821 United States . . . . . . 821 G en er a l N ews . . ... . . 822
CHRONICLE OF THE WEEK.
question, Are they menaced ? and it cannot be denied that, if they are not actually threatened, they might very probably be in danger if England had no part in the settlement of the terms of peace. It may be necessary, therefore, that she should make her voice heard, and in certain contingencies that she should speak somewhat peremptorily. With such possibilities looming in the immediate future, it is only natural that Government should wish to have the support which the approval of Parliament alone can give. We need not jump at the conclusion that the form of support asked for will be a vote of credit, though it is very possible that Government might ask for such a vote. It is quite conceivable that it might be necessary to be prepared for contingencies which may never arise, and which such preparation might of itself tend to avert. For however much certain Continental Powers might wish to leave us out of their calculations, nobody wants to quarrel with us, and a resolute action on our part might considerably modify schemes inimical to our interests. It is quite possible, therefore, that Government may think it advisable that the country should be better prepared to meet possible dangers ; it is not natural to suppose that it has changed its policy and means to go to war. Nor is it by any means absolutely certain that it intends to ask for any increase of armaments at all, or looks for anything from Parliament beyond moral support in the momentous negotiations upon which it may have to enter.
THERE are some people who never can be pleased bv anything which their advern u u m u i i sartes may do, however much it maybein a n d t h e accordance with their own advice. Sometimeago, ¿policy of when the Eastern question was in a most critical
THE GOVERN
MENT
state, certain Liberals were loud in their demands for an autumn Session, in order that the country might through its representatives exercise a check upon the policy of Government. Now, when Ministers have summoned Parliament to meet three weeks earlier than the usual time, the same set of people denounce the step as most imprudent and mischievous. And why ? Because it is assumed that it will lead Turkey to believe that England means to go to war for her protection against her victorious enemy, and will consequentiy encourage her to protract her resistance. For ourselves we cannot for the life of us understand the force of such an objection. Supposing the early convocation of Parliament to be a desirable thing for other reasons, and supposing Turkey had to be thus misled as to its real significance, it would surely be the easiest thing in the world for our Government to put an end to the misconception. A simple despatch, or even a word from Mr. Layard, would suffice to destroy any false hopes which might be built on so slight a foundation. And that such a word has been spoken, or will be spoken, we entertain no manner of doubt. Putting aside, therefore, the bugbear of a misunderstanding at the Porte, we come to the other question of the reasons which may have induced her Majesty’s Government to call Parliament together on the 17 th of January. And, in the first place, it is evident that nobody outside the Cabinet has any certain information on the subject. Our only guides to a right conjecture must be the declarations of Ministers as to their policy, and the aciual position of affairs. But to our mind these are quite sufficient to account for what the Government are doing. Nothing can be more distinct than the lines laid down on behalf ol the Government in the speeches of Sir Stafford Northcote, Mr. Cross, and Lord Derby, and nobody has any right to say that Ministers did not know what they meant or that they have since changed theii minds. Two things were definitively affirmed in those declarations, first that we should not interfere to save Turkey, and, secondly, that we should interfere, if necessary, for the protection of certain specified British interests. These rules of conduct being still in lorce, what is now the position of affairs? Turkey is in great danger of partial dismemberment, but that, except in so far as the particular form it takes may affect ourselves, we have not undertaken to prevent, and our own interests have not as yet been touched. Then comes the
N ew Series, V ol. X V I I I . No. 477.
Suggestions are not wanting as to measures ^aniJ which might be taken to protect British interests, Crete. lhe event of the Powers consenting to throw open the Bosphorus and Dardanelles to the ships of war of all nations. Sir Edward Sullivan in the Morning Post, premising that we have no more right to take Egypt and Crete than the Russians have to take Bulgaria or Armenia— which is perfectly true— contends that we should be perfectly justified in protecting our communications with India by sending an army of occupation to those countries, and thus preventing anybody else from touching them. But as nobody thinks of touching either Crete or Egypt, unless it be the Greeks, who periodically air their pretensions to Crete, there seems to be no particular reason for taking up at the present moment in either country any position which we do not mean to keep. It would be quite another thing if we were to acquire by agreement with Turkey the permanent possession of Crete, or the permanent sovereignty over Egypt, but it is more than questionable whether Turkey would ever voluntarily part with either. Nevertheless the last rumour is that the purchase of the sovereignty of Egypt is the real object which Ministers had in view when they resolved on an early convocation of Parliament. The proposal of Sir Edward Sullivan goes, as we have said, no