THE TABLET

A Weekly Newspaper and Review.

WITH SUPPLEMENT.

D u m VO B IS G R A TU LAM U R , AN IM O S ET IA M ADDIM U S U T IN INCCEPTIS V E S TR IS CON S TAN TER M A N EA T IS .

From the Brief of His Holiness to T he T a b l e t , June 4, 1870,

Voi. 44. No. 1787.

London, Julyii, 1874.

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•Ch r o n ic l e o f t h e W e e k : —

The Manifesto of the Comte de Chambord.— The Suspension of the “ Union.”— Rupture between the Septennalists and the Right.— Preparations for Attack.— The Interpellation and Vote.— The Prosecution o f the “ Pays.”—The Home Rule Debate.—Training Schools in Ireland.— The International Congress at Brussels.— The Scotch Patronage Bill.— The New African Expedition.— The Armenian Catholics and the Porte.— The Spanish War— Reprisals. — Election Petitions— Stroud, &c.........................................33

CONTENTS.

L e a d e r s :

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The Situation in France .. .. 37 The Home Rule Debate .. .. 37 The Present Situation of Affairs in

I ta ly ................................................38 O ur P r o t e s t a n t C ontem po r ar ie s :

Manchester Theologians . . .. 39 R e v ie w s :

The Valleys of Tirol . . .. 40 The “ Month ” for July . . .. 41 S hort N otices :

Letters to my Godchild .. .. 43 The Magazines for July .. .. 43 Literary, Artistic, & Scientific Gossip 44 C o rrespondence :

The Venerable Anna Maria Taigi 44 The “ Church Herald ” .. .. 44 Parties in Germany . . . . 44

The Passionisi {Mission at Har-

borne The O’Donoghue, M .P ., and the

Home Rule Party The Northern District of Scotland and the Propagation o f the Faith P a r l ia m en t a r y I n tellig en c e . . R ome :

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Letter from our own Correspondent Peter’s Pence . . . . .. .. 51 R ecord of G erm an P ersecution :

Conference at Fulda.— Loyalty of the Clergy.— Alsace.— Festival at Aix-la-Chapelle .. .. 51 D io cesan N ews :—

Westminster .. . . . . ..51 Southwark .. . . . . . . 52 Beverley . . . . . . . . 52 Nottingham .. . . . . ..53

Plymouth . . . . . . ..53 I r e lan d :

Letter from our Dublin Corre­

Page spondent ......................................... 53 Foreign N ews :—

Russia.............................................. S3 Germany . . . . . . . . 54 Austria .. . . .. . . 54 Bavaria .. . . . . . . 54 The Armenian Catholics .. .. 54 The Church in Queensland,

A u s t r a l i a ...................................55 M emoranda

Catholic Union . . . . . . 55 Scientific . . . . . . . . 56 Legal . . . . . . .. . . 56 G en er a l N ews .................................56

CH RON IC LE O F TH E W E E K .

THE MANIFESTO OF THE

COMTE DE CHAMBORD.

I

N the irremediable muddle of French politics, the great event of the week has been the open rupture between the pure Legitimists and the Government of Marshal MacMahon. On

Friday night the Union, much to the surprise of everybody— not even the Due de la Rochefoucauld was in the secret— published a manifesto from the Comte de Chambord. The document is extremely well-written ; it is ■ elevated in style, and noble in sentiment, as everything which the Prince writes is sure to b e ; but, like the last letter, it appears to us almost to invite hostile misinterpretation. Henri V. complains that when he declared that he was ready to accept the co-operation of all, without distinction of rank, origin, or party, and that he retracted none of his previous declarations made during the last thirty years, he counted on the proverbial intelligence of the French race, and the precision of their language, and felt confident that he would not be misunderstood. He had been accused, however, ■ of “ placing the royal power above the laws, and of con“ templating some Governmental combinations or other, “ based upon arbitrary and absolute power.” He now therefore affirms that he has no such intentions; that the Christian French Monarchy is a “ tempered Monarchy,” which admits the existence of two Chambers, one chosen by the Sovereign “ out of fixed categories,” the other by the people, “ according to the kind of suffrage fixed by the law.” But he takes care to add that these representatives of the nation are to be “ vigilant auxiliaries in the examination of “ questions submitted to their control,” and that he will have none of those “ barren Parliamentary conflicts, from il which the Sovereign too often emerges impotent and en“ feebled,” that he will not hear of that formula imported from abroad, “ the King reigns, but does “ not govern.” We do not know by-t'ne-bv whether it can be quite justly said that this maxim was imported from abroad, but we are quite sure that under Louis Philippe, when it came into vogue, it was most undoubtedly a “ fiction,” of which the French people generally are as tired as the Comte de Chambord says they are. But what could the Prince expect, when he launched out into this criticism on Parliamentary institutions, but to increase the alienation between himself and the Right Centre and Moderate Right ? It may be said that his meaning is exaggerated by them ; of course it is ; that is just the danger of these manifestoes. And when the Comte de Chambord declares in favour of a Monarchy “ tempered ” by a Legislative Assembly which is to be only an “ auxiliary in examining questions “ submitted to its control,” it is not to be wondered at if

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people suppose that the Chamber is to be deprived of the right of initiating measures, or if the Débats makes the obvious remark that this is only the Empire over again, and that “ if the Comte de Chambord had not drawn up those “ lines with his own hand and in his own style, it would “ swear that he had found them among the papers of M. de “ Persigny.” Bonapartists and Republicans are evidently equally well pleased at the appearance of the manifesto itself, while they have been pressing the Government to take vengeance on the paper which has published it.

THE SUSPENSION

OF THE “ UNION.”

It must be acknowledged that repressive measures against the Unioti were already talked of, on account of the articles in which the power of the Assembly to put an end to the Septennate was affirmed, but the appearance of this manifesto was promptly followed by a suspension of the paper for a fortnight. The decree was returned to the Ministry to be altered, in order, it was thought, that the Legitimists might not be unnecessarily irritated by an allusion in its preamble to this document ; but the precaution was vain, for a question was immediately put in the Assembly by M. Lucien Brun, as to the grounds of the suspension, and M. de Fourtou had to reply that the step was taken, partly on account of the persistent attacks on the Marshal’s powers, and partly on account of the publication of the Manifesto, although the Government greatly regretted having to take notice of it, on account of its “ inviolable “ respect ” for the august writer.

RUPTURE BETWEEN THE SEPTENNALISTS

AND THE RIGHT.

In the meantime the Duc de la Rochefoucauld’s motion has been discussed by the Committee of Parliamentary Initiative. The Duke defended it with considerable eloquence before the Committee on Friday, returning to England to receive the Prince and Princess of

Wales at a farewell dinner on Saturday. He maintained that the Right would never have voted the prolongation of the Marshal’s powers had it not been for the Duc de Broglie’s assurance that the door still remained open for the Monarchy, and his express declaration in the tribune that “ nothing was changed in the existing conditions but the “ duration ; all the rest was left to the future Constitutional “ laws,” and that the question of the possibility of a definitive Government “ had nothing to do with the actual dis“ cussion, but would come on for consideration together “ with the Constitutional laws.” To this the Duc de Broglie has replied, in a letter to the President of the Initiative Committee, that he never said to any one, in any form whatever, that after the vote of the 20th of November any member retained the right of making a proposition which would reduce the duration of the Marshal’s powers by a single day. There was, evidently, a misunderstanding at