THE TABLET.

A W eekly Newspaper and R eview .

DUM VOBIS GRATULAMUR, ANIMOS ETIAM ADDIMUS UT IN INCCEPTIS VESTRIS CONSTANTER MANEATIS.

F rom th e B r i e f o f H i s H o lin e s s P iu s I X . to T h e T a b l e t , J u n e 4, 1870.

V ol. 80. No. 2721.

London, July 2, 1892.

price 5d., bypost 5^d.

[R eg is tered a t t h e Gen e r a l P ost O f f ic e a s a N ew spaper.

«Chronicle of t h e W e e k :

Page

Lord Salisbury's Manifesto— Mr. Gladstone’s Campaign — The American Democrats—The Anarchists in Paris—Railway Disaster in Pennsylvania— Mr. Balfour at Manchester— Attack on Mr. Stanley— The Queen at Aldershot — Lock-out in the Boot Trade —Narrow Escape of the Scotch Mail — Balloon Disaster at the Crystal Palace— Mr. Gladstone’s Address— Severe Thunderstorm in London— Sudden Death of Lord Drogheda—A Prisoner Shot Dead — Fever Epidemic in London . . 1 Headers :

The Coming Election . . . . 5 Italian Royalties at Potsdam . . 6 The Anti-Semitic Duels . . . . 7 Do Babies Suffer Pain . . . . 7

CONTENTS.

L eaders (Continued)

The Social Work of the Catholic

Page

Church . . . . . . . . 8 Lord Ashburnham and Dr. Parker 9 Indulgences at the Carmelite

Church . . ......................... 9 N o t e s .................................................... 10 R eview s :

The Dialogues of Plato ** .. 12 An Old English Epic . . . . 12 Instructions for the Month of

Mary . . . . . . . . 13 The Syrian Church in India . . 13 The Irish in Britain . . . . 13

I

.

C orrespondence (Continued) :

Dublin :—(From Our Own Corre­

Page spondent) ......................... . . 18

L e t t e r s to t h e E d it or :

William of Wykeham’s Architect 19 The Roman Theocracy . . . . 21 The Singers of the Sanctuary . . 21 “ Theosophy” . . . . ..22

The Loyalty of English Catholics.. 22 English Laity and Irish Clergy . . 23

Catholic Union of Great Britain . . 13 Attempted Proselytism at Wigton.. 14 The General Election . . . . 15 C orrespondence :

Rome :— (From Our Own Corre­

spondent).. . . . . . . 17

Catholics and the General Election 24 Catholics Abroad . . . . . . 24 C r ic k e t ........................................ 25

S o c ia l an d P o l it i c a l . . . . 25

SUPPLEMENT. N ew s from t h e S chools :

Page

The Catholic School Committee 33 The Irish Education Bill . . . . 34 The Rating of Schools . . . . 34 Annual Ushaw Dinner . . . 35 About E d u c a t io n ............................. 35 N ews from t h e D ioceses : Westminster . . . . ..36

Southwark . . . . .. ..36 Middlesbrough . . . . ..36 St. Andrews and Edinburgh . . 36 Glasgow ........................................ 36 The Faribault School Plan in Ohio 37 Catholic Truth Society . . . . 37 The Secular Clergy New Common

Fund . . . . . . . . . . 37 A p pe a l s to th e C h a r it a b l e . . 37

■ %* Rejected MS. cannot be retur7ied unless acco7?ipanied with address a7id postage.

CHRONICLE OF THE WEEK.

------------ ♦ ------- —

BREAKING through a long tradi­

tion Lord Salisbury has issued an address direct to the electors of the United Kingdom. It will be

■ remembered that Lord Beaconsfield on such occasions ■ was wont to address a letter to a brotherpeer, but Lord Salisbury with less regard for foolish forms has addressed his letter in name, as in reality, to the whole mass of the voters. As a matter of respect he felt it his duty to make a brief statement of the issues upon which in his opinion the election must turn. He mentioned, only to dismiss, such questions of internal legislation as those affecting the diminution of poverty, the prevention of disputes in trade, the amendment of the Poor Law, the protection of the lives and health of the industrial community. The coming election was important for these chiefly because it determined whether Parliament was to have the power to grapple with them at once or whether its whole time should be given up to a struggle over Irish Government. No party would have the power or would be likely to pursue the policy of refusing to listen to the unanimous wish of the working classes. The question of the immediate future was whether Parliament should have the opportunity as well as the will to deal with them. Instancing such reforms as the establishment of local government in Great Britain, the gift of free education and the relief of chronic suffering in Ireland, Lord Salisbury declared that they had been passed with little resistance, committed no injustice and left no resentment behind them. In a light spirit they were prepared to deal with the large controversies that are now opening out with regard to the relations of capital to labour, the laws which control the acquisition of land, and provisions by which the sufferings of poverty may be made less acute. After a brief reference to the financial successes of Mr. Goschen and to the great strengthening of the Navy, Lord Salisbury gets to the central question of Ireland. He implores the people to pause before reversing the policy of centuries and casting out of their protection the loyalists of Ireland. It was impossible to criticise Mr. Gladstone’s plan of Home Rule because all its details were a secret, but

New SrRiEs. Vol. XLV1II., No. 2,030.

it was enough for them to know that the people of Ireland were divided into two camps— that between the two sections there are differences of origin and of race which are aggravated by those of religion. With whichever section we may sympathize, it is flagrantly unjust to make either the absolute master of the other. But an Irish Parliament, governing through Ministers dependent upon it must give over the smaller of these two sections to the unrestrained despotism of the larger. The loyalists are the smaller section ; they are also the more industrious and the more exposed to unjust taxation and predatory legislation. This was the feeling of those who have recently made such a stirring appeal for succour to their friends in England. In conclusion Lord Salisbury claimed to have shown by experience that Ireland can be governed in peace and order and that steady Government is all that is needed for the return of confidence, prosperity, and progress.

Mr. Gladstone’s first speech, delivered at mr. Gladstone’s Chester, was preceded by an unfortunate campaign. incident. As he was driving through one of the main thoroughfares of the town in company with the Liberal candidate, a woman threw a bit of gingerbread at him, hitting him close to the nose, and for the moment painfully hurting the eye. Doctors were in immediate attendance, and in a very few minutes afterwards . Mr. Gladstone was addressing a large meeting apparently little the worse. It need hardly be remarked that the rumour of an outrage on Mr. Gladstone immediately took a thousand forms and excited general indignation. Whether or not in consequence of this little unpleasantness, Mr. Gladstone delivered himself with unusual vigour. He began by saying that his opponents were fighting the battle with the weapons of intimidation, invention, and bigotry. Lord Salisbury was the first firebrand in the land. He asked, was it decent or even tolerable that a Prime Minister, beaten out of every rag and shadow of an argument, should seek to carry the election by declaring that if Parliament granted Home Rule resistance would come and must go unpunished. So much for intimidation. One of the chief inventions relied upon was that if the Liberal party came to power the country would soon be involved in the turmoil of a second election ; but he for his part had never believed that the resistance of the House of Lords to a particular measure was a reason for a dissolution. The people were not to be worried and pestered with dissolutions at the will of the House of Lords. Such an event might be a reason for dealing with the House of Lords, but it could not be a