THE TABLET. A Weekly Newspaper and Review.
DUM VOBIS GRATULAMUR, ANIMOS ETIAM ADDIMDS UT IN INCCEPTIS VESTRIS CONSTANTER MANEATIS.
From the B r ie f o f H is Holiness P iu s IX . to T h e T a b l e t Ju n e 4, 18 70.
V o l . 78. No. 2675. L o n d o n , A u g u s t 15, 1891.
P r ic e sd., by P ost s J£d .
[R eg is t e r ed a t th e Gen e r a l P ost Offic e as a N ew spaper.
•Chronicle of th e Week :
Page |
Mr. Balfour at Plymouth—The Growth of Wealth in Ireland— The Prince of Wales and Hygiene —The Meeting at Mallow—M. Constans at Luchon — England and Egypt — The Queensland Budget—The Omnibus Strike— •Death of an TEronaut—Discovery o f Roman Remains—A Cavern in Thames-street—University Extension Teaching—Mr. Stanhope on the Session—Four Midshipmen Drowned—The Walsall Election 241
Letter of Pope Leo X I I I . . . . . 245 L e a d e r s :
The Riots in Southern China . . 246 The Portrait Painters’ Society .. 247 In Memoriam—“ S. N. S .” 248 The New Archbishop of Bombay 249
CONTENTS.
Page
Black-Letter Books of Devotion . . 249 N otes . . . . . . . • •• 250 R eview s :
Sermons, Essays, &c. _
The Sinless Conception of the
. 252
Mother of God *• .. .. 253 Thoughts on Religious History.. 253 Franciscan Martyrs in England.. 254 The American Citizen _ . . .. 254 | Fortunes Made in Business .. 254 Annals of the Propagation of the
Faith .. . . . . .. 254 Lessons from the Lives of Three
Great Fathers . . . . . . 254 Aspects of Anglicanism . . . . 255 Correspondence :
Rome :—(From Our Own Corre
spondent) . . . . . . •• 257 Dublin :—(From Our Own Corre
spondent) . . . . . . - - 258 l
' L e t t e r s to th e E d itor :
Page
Protestant Missions in India . . 261 The Encyclical on Strikes . . 261 Prayer for the Queen and the
Anglo-Roman Missal . . . . 261 The “ Catholic Party” and the
Plan of Campaign . . .. 262 The Boulogne Pilgrimage .. 262 A Hint to Magazines . . . . 262 The Title Sister Superioress . . 262 Have We Forgotten Gordon ? . . 262 The Fruits of Godless Education in
France . . . . . . . . 263 I Catholics Abroad . . . . . . 263
The Ford Memorial at Bristol . . 264 The Rival Iri.-h Newspapers . . 265 Buddhism and Suicide . . . . 266 I A ppeals to th e C h a r it a b l e . . 267 I
Page
F rom E v e r yw h e r e . . . . . . 267 Social and P o l it ic a l . . . . 267
SUPPLEMENT. N ews from th e S chools :
The Free Education Act . . .. 273 Ordinations at Ushaw College .. 274 St. Francis Xavier’s College,
Bruges .. . . . . . . 274 St. Andrew’s Schools, Glasgow . . 274 About Education . . . . . . 275 N ew s from th e D io c e s e s :
Westminster.. . . . . . . 275 Southwark .. . . . . 275 Birmingham.. . . . . . . 275 Glasgow . . . . . . . . 275 Aberdeen . . ...........................276 The League of the Cross . . .. 276 Our Lady of Pity .. . . . . 277 “ Pro Re Conservativa ” . . . . 278
*** Rejected MS. cannot be returned unless accompanied with address and postage.
Plym o u t h
C H R O N IC L E O F T H E W E E K .
M---------- *---------
ORE than any man in the last few years, Mr. Balfour has advanced in t^ie esteem ° f h>s own party, and more than any man in the Tory ranks,
fie now commands the attention of his political foes. His speech at Plymouth was a happy mingling of defence and attack. He was at pains to make it clear that the question of Free Education, now grappled with and successfully solved by the Government, had hitherto been a thing outside the political programme of any party, and a question rather of social economics rather than of partisan politics. At the same time it was of the utmost importance that, if conceded, Free Education should come from hands not hostile but traditionally friendly to the Voluntary schools. What policy could be more consistent with the general attitude of the Unionist party than a policy which has granted a great blessing to the poorest of our fellow countrymen while interfering with no man’s rights, \ with no man’s liberties and with no man’s property, and at | the same time has completely safeguarded the menaced system of Denominational education ? Referring to the promised measure ol local self-government for Ireland, Mr. Balfour did not pretend to deny that the whole scheme was looked upon with suspicion and dread by very many of the Unionist party. Well, at least, it was idle to charge the Government with springing some new departure upon the country. An Irish Local Government Bill in this year’s Queen’s Speech has been promised, and also a year ago. At the same time he acknowledged fully that in a country seamed, chasmed, and sundered into fragments by ancient party feuds and feelings of mutual distrust—smouldering, indeed, but always ready to burst into flame—anything in the nature of large elective County Councils are institutions which no statesman should recklessly set himself to build up. The experience of the Irish Boards of Guardians, he admitted, had not been altogether pleasant. Certainly"they had passed a large number of silly resolutions, mixed themselves up in a great number of affairs which did not concern them, and in many cases administered with considerable recklessness the funds of the ratepayers who had elected them, and, worst of all, in some cases had employed their powers of taxation to punish the minority to which they were opposed in politics. Again, Mr. Balfour was forced to acknowledge that he had refused to trust these elected boards with the funds voted by Parliament for alleviating distress. Was it, then, inconsistent now to advocate the establishment of County Councils for Ireland? There is surely a wide difference between giving an elective body its own funds to minister, and letting it finger funds supplied by other people. But, in his opinion, the reasons for carrying out the promises of the Queen’s Speech were overwhelmingly strong. First, there was the sentimental reason that the boon had already been allowed to England and Scotland. Then, it must be remembered that in Ireland the incidence of taxation is on the occupier. The County Councils would have the occupiers’ money to dispose of, and if the small farmers in Ireland please to send men to the County Councils who are extravagant, who job, or otherwise misbehave, it will be their own look out. On their heads be it, said Mr. Balfour, and he did not see why other people should trouble their heads about the matter. Personally, he did not believe the mismanagement would be so very gross, for he thought the small Irish occupier was quite capable of looking after his own concerns, and no class of man dislikes extravagance more than he. Then, considering the question of the police, Mr. Balfour said that in Ireland it had never been a borough or county force, but a centralized force, and such, as far as he was concerned, it should remain. That was necessary, not only for the protection of the loyalists in the south, but also for the safety of the disloyalists in the north. He did not even believe that the Irish representatives would seriously press for the change, partly because the Nationalists will be unwilling to see the northern. Orangemen having absolute control in the northern counties, and partly because they know that directly you make the police a local force, the locality will have to pay. Mr. Balfour then said, frankly enough, that he feared the first result of establishing County Councils would be to banish from all share in the management of county affairs many gentlemen the best qualified for the work. That result he foresaw, and held deplorable and believed inevitable. But he hoped that calamity would be a steppingstone to a better state of things. He believed that, if only those men would stand by their posts, in time, when the I effects of the Land Purchase Act began to tell, they would come to be recognised by their fellow-countrymen in no inconsiderable numbers, as the best men for the carrying I on of county business. Then, not as an ex officio, or privileged class, but as the chosen representatives of the people, they would have] an influence unknown before, and
New Series, Vol. XLVI., No. 1 , 184.
