THE TABLET A W eekly New spaper a n d R eview .
DUM V03IS GKATULAMI7R, ANIMOS ETIAM ADDIMUS ÜT IN INCCEPTIS VESTRIS CONSTANTER MANEAT.S.
From the B r ie ; o; H is Holiness P iu s IX . to The Tablet, June 4, i i ; o .
V o l . 92. No. 3055. L o n d o n , N ovember 26, 1898.
P r ic e 5<L, b y P ost 5% d .
[R e g i s t e r e d a t t h e G e n e r a l P o st O f f ic e a s a N ew s pa p e r .
C hronicle of t h e W e e k :
Page
The Position of Home Rule— What the Liberal Papers Say— Mr. Davitt’s Views— Relief for 'Dreyfus — Lord Aberdeen’s Return—The Cause of the Coup d ’E tat at Peking — Religious Secondary Schools in France— An Attack in the Chamber—The London County Council and it« 'Protégés—Lively Scenes in the Hungarian Parliament— Sir John '-Gorst on Educational Authorities — French Colonies and the Code Napoleon—A Commercial Treaty Between France and Italy . . 837 The Late Sir Stuart Knill ..'8 41 Abyssinia and the Nile . . . . 842
CONTENTS
L eaders (Continued) :
Dr. Horton . . The Franciscan Conference in
Liverpool .. Fra Girolamo Savonarola N o t e s ... M _ _ R e v iew s :
The Groundwork o f Science St. Augustine With Kitchener to Khartum Canonical Procedure Monasticism A Good Practical Catholic A Practical Dictionary of Cookery C orrespondence :
Page 843 844 845 847
849 849 850 850 851 851 851
Rome :— (From Our Own Corre
spondent) . . — — — 853 News from Ireland _ _ 854 News from France......................... 856
L e t t e r s to t h e E d it or : Page
The Catholic Truth Society . . 857 Facts for the Ritualists . . . . 857 Carmelite Houses . . . . . . 857 Laissez Faire and Church Music 857 “ Art in Small Churches ” . . 857 Palm Sunday Processions . . 857 The Ober-Ammergau Passion Play 857 Work on the Zambesi Mission . . 858 Franciscan Tertiary Conference . . 859 Evidence Lecture in Bradford . . 862 Anti-Catholic Lectures in Cardiff.. 863 Books of the Week . O b it u a r y .......................... . So c ia l a n d P o l it i c a l
SU PPLEM EN T . N ews from t h e S c h o o l s :
Cardinal Vaughan at St. Charles’s
College
The Irish University Question . . 869
863 863 864
869
N ew s from t h e S chools (Con- Page tinued): Religious Schools v. State Schools
Jn France . . . . . . . . 870 Sir John Gorst and the Hey wood
School Case . . . . . . 870 An M .P .’s Testimony to Buckfast
School . . . . . . . . 871 St. Cuthbert’s Grammar School,
Newcastle-on-Tyne .. . . 871: St. Edmund’s College, Old Hall 871 Football . . . . . . . . 871 N ew s from t h e D io ceses :
Westminster ......................... 872 Southwark . . . . . . . . 872 Birmingham......................... . . 872 Clifton^ ......................... . . 873 Menevia .....................................874 Newport . . . . . . . . 874 G l a s g o w .......................... „ 875
Rejected, MS. cannot be returned unless accompanied with address and postage.
CHRONICLE OF THE WEEK.
OF HOME RULE. I
^THE POSITION
T is not often given to Sir Henry Fowler to make a political sensation, but his references to Home Rule in his speech at Wolverhampton are likely to have long echoes. He began by saying that the Local Government o f Ireland Act passed last session ranked next after Mr. Gladstone’s Land Acts in the legislation for Ireland during last fifty years. The local government of Ireland, for the first time, was placed in the hands of the elective representatives of the Irish people, by whom the local taxation, expenditure, and administration would henceforth be controlled. What did Mr. Redmond say of the measure for which Lord Salisbury was now responsible ? After stating that no words that he could use could exaggerate the value o f the Local Government Act, he proceeded, “ it made the people in every county in Ireland for the first time in the ■ history of that country a free people. It freed them absolutely from the rule of men who were irresponsible, and for the most part alien in race, in feeling, and in national -aspiration. It placed in the hands of the people the. power o f levying and spending millions of taxation, and, for the first time in the history of Ireland, it gave the people a chance of applying themselves to practical questions upon which ■ undoubtedly depended their future industrial prosperity.” He would frankly admit that this gigantic reform— he thought he might call it, as Mr. Dillon called it, a beneficial revolution— had been carried by Lord Salisbury’s Government. In fact, they alone could have passed it, as they alone could have secured the concurrence of the House of Lords. Sir Henry Fowler is so pleased with the Act that he claims the credit for it for the Liberal party, and contends that its real author was Mr. Gladstone. The Act is so good that Sir Henry is of opinion that it must not be rashly interfered with. Henceforward Ireland would have the same local autonomy as England and Scotland. He would be a bold man who would predict the immediate or remote result of this great change. Those results would depend upon the spirit and manner in which the Act was worked, and upon the tone, character, and impartiality of the authorities which were now called into existence. They hoped, and thsy trusted, that all parties would unite in promoting an economical and efficient application of local
N e w S e r i e s . Vol. LX., iTo. 2,364.
organization and administration to the varied necessities of Ireland. Time and experience could alone show whether these hopes would ,be fulfilled. He ventured to express the opinion that the constituencies of Great Britain would require that this great experiment should be fully, fairly, and completely tried before they would reconsider the question of any further change in the government of Ireland.
— WHAT THE LIBERAL PAPERS
SAY.
The D a ily News is very cautious in its comments. After quoting Sir Henry Fowler’s words to the effect that the English people will be disinclined to make further changes in Irish administration until this one has been fairly tried, the Liberal organ says : “ That is a tenable view, and we are far from saying that it is not a sound one.” The same view is repeated in almost the same words a few lines further down in the same article : “ His contention is that having carried a Local Government Bill, wTe must wait and see what happens. This is reasonable enough.” At the same time the Liberal organ expresses its opinion that Mr. Chamberlain was right when he said that Home Rule is scotched and not killed, and that sooner or later it will be revived. The D a ily Chronicle, while also affirming its faith in the ultimate triumph of Home Rule, considers that it is no longer in the forefront of practical politics. Quoting Sir Henry Fowler’s words our contemporary says: “ That is no doubt the case— in fact, it has been the view we have expressly stated— and we hope that our friends in Ireland will see that it must needs be so. If Mr. Gladstone were still at the head of the Liberal party, if Mr. Parnell were still leading a virtually united Ireland, the grant of local government which has just been made would necessarily modify the statements of the Home Rule case, and leaders and followers would be compelled by the nature of the case to build upwards from the foundation that has been laid, rather than frame a constitution for a country governed purely by Dublin Castle and grand juries. We have said that the Irish alliance is no longer an effective one, and we said so because in our belief the position is such that the Liberal party could not, even if it were advisable, carry out its old pledges with regard to a Home Rule Bill— and pledges are worse than useless if they are not meant to be redeemed. There is the further reason, that in the present divided condition of Irish politics the question of an alliance must needs stand over. Who is there to make an alliance with ? ” The Westminster Gazette says bluntly: “ We do not see our way to repeat the operations of 1886 and 1893. We are stale-mated by the House of Lords and the predominant partner.”
