THE TABLET A WEEKLY NEWSPAPER AND REVIEW

VOL. 169 No. 5048

ESTABLISHED 1840 REGISTERED AS A NEWSPAPER

LONDON FEBRUARY 6th, 1937

SIXPENCE

PRINCIPAL CONTENTS

THE WORLD WEEK BY WEEK . . .181

ROME LETTER

......................... 190

AFTER HITLER’S SPEECH ; THE GERMAN CATHOLICS ; REACTION ; ITALY AND RAW MATERIALS ; A NEW FACTORY BILL ; MR. LOGAN AND “THE TIMES” ; SAFEGUARDING CURRENCY EQUILIBRIUM ; UNEMPLOYMENT DURING RECOVERY : “QUIET OPERATIONS” ; THE RUSSIAN FASCIST PARTY ; EUROPEAN EXCHANGE ; WHAT’S IN A NAME ? ; MUCH IN A NAME THE CORNER STONE ......................... 184

CATHOLICS AND NORDICS

.185

ENGLISH CATHOLICS IN BELGIUM 186 THE CONDEMNATION OF ANGLICAN

ORDERS (III) .......................................... 186 By the Rev. E. C. MESSENGER, Ph.D.

NEW YORK LETTER ......................... 192 THE CHURCH ABROAD ......................... 193 FOREIGN MISSIONS . ......................... 196 THE FULL TEXT OF THE FULDA

DECLARATIONS

......................... 196

BOOKS OF THE WEEK ......................... 198

THE PURSUIT OF WISDOM ; EMPLOYMENT AND THE DISTRESSED AREAS ; THE CLOUD OF UNKNOWING ; THE WELSH BENEDICTINES ; THE ARCHEOLOGY OF SUSSEX ; THE ROAD TO NAZARETH : NIGHT OVER THE EAST LETTERS TO THE E D IT O R ......................... 204

CATHOLICS IN HOLLAND .

189 TOWN AND COUNTRY

205

THE WORLD WEEK BY WEEK After Hitler’s Speech

On the whole, Herr Hitler’s speech, summing up four years of Nazi rule, and the reactions to the speech in foreign countries have not made the international position any worse. The Führer spoke moderately and reasonably, but he has learned that concrete offers on his part, put out in public speeches, do not lead to practical results. He concentrated instead on breathing into the speech a general spirit of willingness to co-operate in the manner in which British Ministers are accustomed to phrase important speeches about Europe. M. Yves Delbos, the French Minister for Foreign Affairs, spoke the next day at Chateauroux} reciprocating the desire to see tension relaxed. But the easier language on both sides does not mark a complete divergence of view about the character of the Soviet. To M. Delbos and to most French commentators, the Soviet is no more than a form of internal Government in Russia, whereas to the Germans it is the centre of a widespread international movement, and the attempt to treat it as a country like any other country rests on a dangerous and deliberate refusal to see the facts as they are. The German Catholics secured in the Concordat. On another page we print an article by a writer who has just returned from Germany, which throws light on the divided counsels now to be found among the rank and file of the German Catholics who are attached to the new order, and are only anxious to avoid a painful, and they believe, unnecessary conflict of loyalties. There is no doubt that both the Fascist and Nazi movements ought basically to be recognized as defensive. The word will only seem paradoxical to those in England and France who think of the vast issues in terms of Parliamentary democracy. Both Italy and Germany had ample tastes, in the years just after the War, of what Red revolution means, and what swung the mass of ordinary non-political, middle-class, and artisan feeling into support of Fascism and Nazism was exactly the same feeling which made the mass of the French people accept and follow Napoleon. It was a recognition that the evils incidental to a strong Government are preferable to the evils of increasing disorder and violence through the ceaseless activities of the extreme Left. The winning formula as used by both Hitler and Mussolini was Napoleon’s formula of a popular patriotism. Neither regime is a regime of privilege, and each is led by a man of the people. Reaction

The moment when so many people in England and France are beginning to realize that the Germans, having stood much nearer to international Communism have a better appreciation of its operations, is a very unfortunate one for any needless alienation of sympathies from Germany. There could hardly be a better test in the eyes of the outside world of the claim of National Socialism to be really engaged in fighting the great enemy of European life than the German attitude to the Christians in Germany. The Christians have long been marked out by the Communists as their enemies and the German Bishops, following the lead of the Vatican, have shown every desire not only to work with the new Government in Germany, but to tolerate much from it because of the jeopardy of the hour. Many liberties that in quieter times might be demanded, have to be sacrificed today.

But the moment is ill-chosen on the side of the German Government for a campaign of attrition against the rights

Historically they come after Lenin, and they embody the characteristic national reactions to an international infection. The sealed train in which General Ludendorff sent Lenin into Russia carried the future of central Europe. By 1922 wise men like Cardinal Gasparri were saying “ Make no mistake. We have got this thing with us for twenty-five years.” But the same slowness to believe that anything so new and strange and arbitrary could take lasting grip of the huge area of Russia came very slowly and was only believed by the facts. Today the same people whose first reaction to every new movement is that it cannot last, and who thought that neither the Soviet nor Mussolini, nor Hitler could endure, are proving extremely slow to realize that Liberal Democracy has not been brutally