THE TABLET A WEEKLY NEWSPAPER AND REVIEW

VOL. 169 No. 5043

ESTABLISHED 1840 REGISTERED AS A NEWSPAPER

LONDON JANUARY 2nd, 1937

SIXPENCE

THE WORLD WEEK BY WEEK PRINCIPAL l

1936 IN RETROSPECT: MARCH—THE REFORTIFICATION OF THE RHINELAND. MAY—THE POPULAR FRONT IN FRANCE, JULY—THE CIVIL WAR IN SPAIN, AUGUST AND SEPTEMBER—NATIONALIST SPAIN. OCTOBER AND NOVEMBER—DEADLOCK IN SPAIN, NOVEMBER— THE GERMAN-JAPANESE PACT ; BRITISH POLICY TODAY : GREAT BRITAIN IN THE NEAR EAST ; THE BRITISH PARLIAMENT A RECALL TO R E L IG IO N ................................ 4 THE POPE’S BROADCAST................................ 5 REPUTATION AND RICHES................................ 6 ROME LETTER....................................................... 8 PARIS LETTER....................................................... 9 DUBLIN LETTER .......................................... 10 THE CHURCH ABROAD ...............................11

CONTENTS

FOREIGN M IS S IO N S .......................................... 13 THE CATHOLIC TEACHERS’FEDERATION 14

ARCHBISHOP HINSLEY’S ADDRESS BOOKS OF THE WEEK .............................. 16

BEHIND THE SPANISH BARRICADES ; WHICH WAY TO PEACE ? THE LITURGY OF THE MASS ; GODS OF TOMORROW ; ADDRESSES BY FATHER JAMES, O.M. ; ROSE DEEPROSE ; FORTY CENTURIES LOOK DOWN ; TWO PAMPHLETS ; VAUGHAN SCHOOL MAGAZINE TOWN AND COUNTRY .............................. 22 APOSTOLATE OF THE COUNTRYSIDE . . 23 LETTERS TO THE E D IT O R .............................. 24 OBITUARIES ......................................................29 CHESS AND CROSSW ORD.............................. 30 THE CALENDAR .......................................... 32

THE WORLD WEEK BY WEEK 1936 IN RETROSPECT Over ten years ago, in 1927, Signor Mussolini declared in a speech that between 1935 and 1940 “ We shall find ourselves at a point which I should call a crucial point in European history. ’’ The year 1936 already stands out in retrospect as showing even more clearly than did 1935 the characteristics of a new and stormier time. The Peace of Versailles established France in a dominant position in Europe, and through the 1920’s the great superiority of the French Army, and the French alliances in Central Europe with the new states which had achieved resurrection like Poland, or birth like Czechoslovakia, or increase like Roumania, maintained stability in Europe. British policy stood behind France to maintain the essentials of the Versailles settlement, but both Britain and America were increasingly active through the 1920’s in seeking the rehabilitation of Germany by loans which mitigated the harsh consequences of the reparations settlements. The Weimar Republic, an uncertain experiment among a people with no tradition of representative institutions, maintained itself with those helping hands from abroad, but it was among the first, as it was the most important, of the victims of the great depression that set in in 1929. Historians of the German Republic like Arthur Rosenberg date its close, not from the advent of Hitler in 1933, but from the time when Dr. Bruning, as Chancellor, had to rule by emergency decree from 1930 onwards. The long effort to rehabilitate Germany ended in failure. The years that were most favourable economically were the years when the political settlement pressed most heavily. The depression not only cut off the stream of foreign loans, it led, throughout the world, to measures to protect home markets, and the Germany of the Nazis came into existence in a world in which the last markets were in process of being carefully protected. March. The Refortification of the Rhineland rid itself one by one of the treaty limitations on German sovereignty. 1936 saw the completion of the process. In 1935 conscription had been restored. In August, 1936, it was doubled from one year to two. In March, 1936, the demilitarized zone of the Rhineland was suddenly reoccupied. Later in the year German sovereignty was re-established over the international waterways. The repudiation of Locarno was accompanied by offers from Germany of new pacts for twentyfive years of peace in the West, and whereas the Sarrant Government in France and the Belgians were at first inclined to take drastic counter action, Great Britain accepted at once the idea of fresh negotiations. A certain asperity in the questionnaire sent by the British Foreign Secretary to the German Government was the only concession to the French demand for a display of firmness, and perhaps because of that same asperity the questionnaire was not in fact answered. The German Government justified its action in refortifying its western frontier by pointing to the new pact between France and Soviet Russia. The French had adopted Russia because they felt that some ally was necessary in the face of the new Germany. In 1935, when the Stresa Front was formed, Franco-ltalian friendship seemed to be a sufficient answer to resurgent Germany, but no sooner had that front been formed than the French had to turn against the Italians in order to continue in step with Great Britain. Through 1935, the French Centre Government of M. Laval, torn with doubts, had been dragged reluctantly in the wake of Britain in opposition to the Italian adventure in Abyssinia. M. Laval had been immensely skilful in preventing the rupture from Italy being complete, and Italy did not formally leave the League. But the Stresa Front was broken, and the French had to hope that in return for supporting Great Britain in bringing to life a system of collective security, they would be able to use that same system against Germany when occasion arose. In March occasion did arise, and Germany could fairly be charged with breach of a solemn international agreement. But in Great Britain there was neither the mood nor the equipment

It was a world of embarrassed budgets whose statesmen had no appetite for strong and extensive action, and by successive strokes the new German Government