THE TABLET. June 19th, 1954 VOL. 203, No. 5952

THE TABLET

Published as a Newspaper

A WEEKLY NEWSPAPER & REVIEW

FOUNDED IN 1840

Pro Ecclesia Dei, Pro Regina et Patria

JU N E 19th, 1954

N IN EPENCE

Views o f the French : The Tendency to an Excessive Disparagement

The Representation o f th e Holy See : The Status of Papal Epvoys. By David Johnson

Catholics and Socialists: A Ruling in the Netherlands

M oscow ’s “New Course” : Its Effect on Soviet Policy in Germany. By Hans Jaeger

Since Mary Carpenter: A Hundred Years of Juvenile Delinquency. By S. F. McCabe

Moral Rearmament and its Critics : Judgments on Caux. By Sir Arnold Lunn

Our Lady o f W illesden: The Ceremony to be Performed at Wembley in October

Landscape w ith F igures: Sculpture in Holland Park. By John Bunting In troduction to Wagner: “The Ring” at Convent Garden. By Rosemary Hughes B o o k s R e v i e w e d : Cavour and Garibaldi, by D. Mack Smith ; A History o f the Ecumenical

Movement, edited by Ruth Rowse and Stephen Neill ; Biographical Studies : 1534-1829, edited by A. F. Allison and D. M. Rogers ; No Memorial, by Anthony Babington ; The World in the Evening, by Christopher Isherwood ; Child Drama, by Peter Slade ; The Peoples o f the Soviet Far East, by Walter Kolarz ; Soviet Union in Maps ; Sea Front, by Rachel Ferguson ; The Violet Crown, by G. R. Levy ; The King's Man, by Felicien Marceau ; Soldier Sail North, by James Pattinson ; and School fo r Hope, by Michael McLaverty. Reviewed by Kenelm Foster, O.P., E. I. Watkin, A. J. Brooker, Christopher Hollis, Peregrine Walker,

Dorothy Sarmiento, Anthony Lejeune and Uvedale Tristram.

SIR WINSTON FOR WASHINGTON T HE virtue of magnificence, which means a princely generosity not only with one’s wealth but also with one’s talents and energies, will surely be accounted to Sir Winston Churchill, who once again, in his eightieth year, has undertaken a long and arduous journey in the interests o f us all. The invitation came and was accepted, it appears, some weeks ago, but the announcement of it was saved up to lighten the gloom that might have followed the breakdown of the Geneva Conference. There was, in fact, very little sign o f any particular gloom, most people having already come to take it for granted that the conference would break down. There was never any sign o f a grand design for confronting the grand designs of Moscow and Peking ; instead there were brave efforts at diplomacy in the old tradition, with a patient searching for diplomatic advantage which could never be gained because the other side were not playing the same game. Perhaps a grand design for South-East Asia may now be found in Washington.

for a National Assembly from which a National Government would later be formed for all Korea. Such elections were in fact held, but only in South Korea, and a Government was formed in 1948 as a result o f those elections, under international supervision, while a People’s Republic was arbitrarily set up in the north.

The Communist attem pt a t reunification by force of arms met with the resistance of the forces of the United States and the United Nations, and when the war ended, in 1951, the separation of the Koreas was very much what it had been before the aggression. Since then that division has hardened, and, compared to the much more complex situation in IndoChina, the Korean solution has come to be accepted as at least no worse in June, 1954, than it was before June, 1950.

Since Communist China is already converting North Korea into a province of Manchuria, it was not to be expected that the Western demand for free elections in Korea would find any response from Mr. Chou En-lai at Geneva. The existence of two Koreas has become a fact. The United Nations tried unsuccessfully in 1947 to support a resolution which envisaged the holding of elections in the two zones

The one lesson to be learned from it has been that any international supervision of the armistice, as previously of the political and military developments in the North and South, is doomed to failure. The experience of Sweden and Switzerland, two o f the neutral nations on the Korean armistice commission—the two Communist representatives were Poland and Czechoslovakia—spoke against any repetition o f such an experiment in Indo-China, quite apart from the fact that the conflict between France and Viet-Minh is o f a different order. “No Communist country,” said Mao Tse-tung in 1940, “can be neutral.” Circumstances have